China, the largest buyer of Iranian oil, is weighing the fallout of the US naval blockade of Iran's ports and ships in the Strait of Hormuz. Could Beijing be drawn into the conflict?
https://p.dw.com/p/5C9GlCould China, which has a major naval base in Djibouti, start escorting ships through Hormuz to break the US blockade? [FILE: March 2026]Image: Altaf Qadri/AP Photo/picture allianceAdvertisementThe US naval blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, announced by President Donald Trump shortly after talks with Iran in Islamabad at the weekend collapsed , took effect on Monday.
The US has said it will block ships from leaving or entering Iranian ports.
The move, which comes after Iran effectively closed the narrow maritime passage in retaliation for the US-Israeli air attacks that began on February 28, has put the fragile two-week ceasefire at risk and caused already soaring oil prices to rise even further.
The blockade of Iranian ships and oil will also be closely felt in China, the largest buyer of Iran's oil.
At a press conference on Tuesday, a spokesperson for China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs called the move "dangerous and irresponsible," warning that the blockade would "only aggravate confrontation, escalate tension and undermine the fragile ceasefire."
Speaking in Beijing on Monday during a meeting with visiting officials from the United Arab Emirates, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said that blocking the Strait of Hormuz "does not serve the common interests of the international community."
The strategic waterway, a critical artery for Middle Eastern energy exports, would normally account for roughly 20% of global oil supply.
Trump, writing on his Truth Social platform on Sunday, said, "Other countries will be involved with this blockade," without specifying which nations he was referring to.
Chinese state media, however, rejected that claim. It argued that Washington had "distorted the logic of the issue by dragging more countries into the conflict, as the root cause of the Hormuz blockade lies in the US-Israeli military operation against Iran."
This framing echoes remarks by Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Guo Jiakun, who said at a regular press briefing on Monday that disruptions to navigation in the Strait stem from the conflict with Iran and that the solution lies in an immediate ceasefire.
Chinese state media has also described Washington's move as a "blockade in response to a blockade," likening it to "failing to steal a bicycle and then adding another lock." How, then, does China interpret the US blockade — and who is Washington really trying to pressure?
In an interview with DW, Zhang Lun, professor at CY Cergy-Paris University, described the US blockade as "responding in kind." He argued that Washington's move is also intended to "force China onto the stage."
Zhang explains that the White House might be able to find an off-ramp from the conflict — and save face — if Washington can push Beijing to apply pressure on Tehran to accept the US' terms.
Given Trump's transactional style, Zhang suggested that if China were to "give Trump this win," Beijing would gain leverage in future negotiations on issues such as Taiwan.
However, Zhang does not believe China will directly intervene in the war in the Middle East. Even though a blockade of the Strait of Hormuz would affect Chinese interests, Beijing's overriding strategic priority is to preserve a delicate balance by maintaining stable relations with all parties involved.
Chinese state media, meanwhile, has framed the US blockade as part of a "hegemonic logic" of resorting to force when negotiations fail.
According to that narrative, Washington has been mobilizing militarily in the Middle East as part of preparations to escalate the war, during negotiations before the conflict broke out, and in the recent, Pakistan-brokered round of talks.
Chinese media is portraying the US as "eager for a graceful exit" from the conflict, even resorting to "packaging victory" by claiming it had achieved its objectives in Iran, including regime change and successful strikes on targets.
But state media describe the Strait of Hormuz as a "fatal vulnerability" for the US that cannot be spun: failure in Iran, combined with loss of control over the Strait, rising oil prices, and inflation, could have direct consequences for the Trump administration in the US midterm elections in November.
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China's official narrative interprets Iran's blockade of the Strait as evidence that the US and Israel have been "outmaneuvered" by Tehran. From Iran's perspective, Washington's shift, from issuing ultimatums to returning to the negotiating table, reflects its resilience and refusal to bow to American military pressure.
The US decision to blockade Iranian ports, meanwhile, is being viewed in China as an attempt to compensate for insufficient leverage at the negotiating table following earlier military actions that have failed to force regime change, one of Trump's core goals in the early days of the war.
The argument for cutting off access to the Strait is that it could deprive Tehran of critical revenue, thereby weakening its bargaining power and forcing it to agree a deal with Washington.
However, Chinese state media frequently describes the US blockade as a "gamble," arguing that while Washington hopes to break the deadlock through maximum pressure, Iran's missile capabilities could trigger further escalation. With both sides already in a state of military readiness, a breakdown in negotiations would significantly increase the risk of broader conflict.
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Zhang told DW that beyond responding to Israeli demands, longstanding US-Iran tensions, and concerns over Iran's nuclear program, another key factor is Washington's broader objective of controlling global energy resources — something Trump has repeatedly emphasized.
In this context, Zhang argued, there is a dimension of "broader strategic pressure" on China. The United States has already tightened its grip on Venezuela ; if Iran were also brought under US influence, and if Washington were to further engage Russia — potentially through concessions related to Ukraine — it could significantly constrain China's access to oil resources.
Despite Beijing's push for energy transition, oil remains critical.
As Iran's largest oil buyer and a key partner, China reportedly engaged with Iranian officials during last week's ceasefire talks and urged Tehran to accept terms mediated by Pakistan. However, it remains unclear whether China would publicly assume the role of a guarantor in any future agreement.
US intelligence sources claimed that China had provided or was preparing to provide weapons to Iran, according to a recent report by US media outlet CNN.
Trump warned that Beijing could face new tariffs of up to 50% if it offered military support to Tehran. China's Foreign Ministry dismissed the allegations on Monday as "groundless smears."
Hu Xijin, a prominent Chinese media figure, published a commentary on the Chinese media outlet Phoenix.com, stating that such claims were intended as "preemptive accusations" to deter China. He added that Beijing "still has many cards to play."
Zhang also noted that China retains additional tools, including rare earth exports. "If the United States weaponizes the Strait," he said, "China could also weaponize rare earths."
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