Add The New York Post on Google WASHINGTON — The 2026 primary elections officially wrapped on Tuesday, and after months of statewide battles, Democrats and Republicans have their lineup for the critical November battle for control of the House and Senate.
Democratic incumbents were rocked by a wave of upsets from far-left challengers as their primary voters indicated that “socialism” isn’t necessarily a dirty word for them. The real test of whether the far-left can win general election contests is still an open question heading into Nov. 3.
Meanwhile, on the Republican side, President Trump’s endorsement once again proved to be indomitable, with few exceptions.
But Trump’s continued dominance has raised questions about what the party will look like when he’s out of office, especially as it deals with fighting between MAGA populists and traditionalists.
Democratic primary voters were angry, not just at Trump, but also at their own leadership. They also seemed eager to rip up the old playbook in favor of insurgent candidates who were prepared to go scorched earth on Republicans and the so-called establishment.
That gave rise to self-described socialists winning primaries, decimating an old taboo against the s-word. The Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) officially backed over half a dozen candidates who won.
This included Melat Kiros in Colorado, who took down Rep. Diana DeGette, and Darializa Avila Chevalier, who dispatched Rep. Adriano Espaillat (D-NY).
Some of those upsets took place in House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries’ (D-NY) backyard, where his endorsement appeared to be far less impactful than that of Mayor Zohran Mamdani.
The DSA wasn’t the only source of a left-wing revolt. Numerous other hardcore lefties such as Dr. Abdul El-Sayed and horny oyster farmer Graham Platner emerged victorious in their primaries as well, though they weren’t formally part of the DSA. Platner ultimately was forced to drop out due to rape accusations he has denied.
Most of the far-left upsets took place in Democratic stronghold districts, but a few, such as El-Sayed and Michigan congressional hopeful William Lawrence, became the standard-bearer in battleground races. Lawrence later dropped his DSA affiliation.
The far-left had long hoped for an uprising, and was emboldened by Sen. Bernie Sanders’ (I-Vt.) strong showing in the 2016 presidential primary. But up until this point, the establishment had largely been able to keep them at bay. Now, lefties are hoping this will be their “Tea Party” moment and are feeling momentum.
Meanwhile, Republicans believe the DSA revolt has given them an opening in an election cycle where historical headwinds are against them, and they’ve worked to brand the Dems as communists.
As the saying goes, “it’s the economy, stupid.”
Economic concerns were front and center during primary season as voters still feel the pinch from the post-COVID-19 inflation hangover. Poll after poll showed that affordability is the top issue for voters.
Given that Republicans control the trifecta, it’s Democrats’ turn to pin the blame on the GOP for the so-called “affordability crisis.” They seized on Trump’s dizzying array of tariffs and the war in Iran, which surged prices at the gas pump, to argue that his policies have only worsened the cost of living.
Republicans bragged about the One Big Beautiful Bill Act by focusing on tax breaks on tips, overtime pay and senior citizens.
But the far-left used affordability concerns to make the case for socialism and their goal of expanding government programs.
Other niche issues such as data centers also proved potent, as did concerns about the personal conduct of lawmakers, leading to the downfall of lawmakers such as Rep. Cory Mills (R-Fla.) and former Rep. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick (D-Fla.)
Trump’s status as the GOP kingpin during the midterms was mostly unblemished.
The president had a 96% success rate with his endorsements in primaries, roughly matching his record in 2024, despite intervening in primaries more than ever, according to Ballotpedia.
This got him some key scalps, including libertarian-leaning Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), who has long been a thorn in the side of GOP leadership, and Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.) — the first incumbent senator to lose a primary in nearly a decade. Cassidy had voted to impeach him in 2021.
Much to the chagrin of many GOP operatives, including his former de facto co-campaign manager in 2024, Trump also helped Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton beat Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas).
But there were a few notable misses, including in Florida, Michigan, Minnesota, and Tennessee over the past month or so. In Minnesota, for example, MyPillow founder Mike Lindell got trounced in his gubernatorial primary, despite Trump’s backing.
As another example, in Michigan’s 8th Congressional District, Trump-backed Amir Hassan lost to former engineer Thomas Smith, who had suspended his campaign weeks prior.
Looming over the primary season was Trump’s pitched battle over redistricting, designed to wipe out Democrats by redrawing congressional lines in a rare mid-decade push. California responded by gerrymandering more Democratic-leaning districts.
In the end, big gains under new maps approved in Texas and Florida mean the GOP could net about 11 more seats in the House. Rep. Al Green (D-Texas) lost his seat in a redistricting collision course against fellow incumbent Rep. Christian Menefee (D-Texas), when the two were forced to face off in the primary under the new lines.
Some Dem operatives accused Republicans of carrying out “dummymanders” and spreading out their voters too thin in key states, making them vulnerable. But Republicans argue it will help them defy the historical trend of the party in control of the White House typically losing seats in midterms.
“Even in the most conservative reading, we should stay in the majority as long as we’re doing our work district by district,” House Majority Whip Tom Emmer (R-Minn.) told The Post last week.
Beyond redistricting, Emmer touted a Supreme Court decision on the Voting Rights Act that also gave way to southern states redrawing lines to the GOP’s benefit in Louisiana and Alabama.
In the midterms, anti-Israel sentiment was even more potent for Democrats than it had been in the 2024 election cycle. It helped fuel key upsets, including Kiros’ breakthrough victory in Colorado.
American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) was a dirty word in Democratic primaries. Still, some of the most pro-Israel Democrats, such as Reps. Ritchie Torres (D-NY) and Jared Moskowitz (D-Fla.), managed to survive the backlash.
Anti-Israel sentiment also crept up on the Republican side, with Rep. Randy Fine (R-Fla.) facing a primary from Dan Bilzerian, who spewed shockingly antisemitic rhetoric against the incumbent congressman who bashed Muslims.
Pro-Israel Republicans almost universally survived primary challenges over the Jewish state.
In many ways, the midterm season has been an opportunity for factions within the GOP or Democratic Party to gear up for a much bigger battle in the 2028 presidential contest over the future direction of their respective parties.
Dems are dealing with a moderate vs. far-left dynamic, while Republicans are grappling over whether to move in a more traditionalist or populist direction after Trump.
