play Live Sign upShow navigation menuplay Live Click here to searchsearchSign upNewsMorocco’s ruling allies turn on each other before election campaign beginsPolitical tensions rise as Moroccans prepare for the polls, with the official campaign start still days away.
xwhatsapp-strokecopylinkgoogleAdd Al Jazeera on GoogleinfoMorocco is due to hold its next parliamentary election on September 23, 2026, with the official campaign scheduled to begin on September 10 [Mosa’ab Elshamy/AP]By Al Jazeera staffPublished On 3 Sep 20263 Sep 2026Morocco’s governing allies are trading accusations, politicians are switching camps and a leaked recording has exposed tensions at the top of the ruling coalition – all before the official campaign begins on September 10.
Moroccans are due to vote for a new parliament on September 23, with candidate nominations opening on August 31. By the afternoon of the first day, 702 candidate lists from 27 political parties had been submitted, according to the Interior Ministry.
About 15.8 million voters are registered for the election, according to the Interior Ministry, in a country of 36.8 million people, according to the 2024 census. The voting-age population is estimated at roughly 25 million, according to the High Commission for Planning (HCP).
The political contest is already under way, as parties finalise candidates, sharpen their messages and position themselves for a battle that will determine who has the strongest hand in forming the next government.
Moroccans will elect members of the House of Representatives, the lower house of parliament.
The party that comes first will have the strongest claim to lead the process of forming the next government. Under Morocco’s Constitution, the king appoints the head of government from the party that comes first in elections to the House of Representatives.
Morocco’s multi-party system means the winning party needs to negotiate with other parties and build a coalition capable of securing parliamentary support.
That makes the size of each party’s parliamentary group important, including the parties that are already governing together.
The National Rally of Independents (RNI), the Authenticity and Modernity Party (PAM) and the Istiqlal Party currently form the governing coalition.
They are partners in government, but they are also rivals competing for votes, candidates and influence.
The latest dispute has brought those tensions into the open.
A leaked audio recording attributed to House of Representatives Speaker Rachid Talbi Alami, a senior RNI figure, has exposed tensions between the RNI and PAM over budget minister and senior government figure, Fouzi Lekjaa. The recording circulated after the RNI accused PAM of attracting its elected officials and candidates.
Lekjaa is a high-profile politician in Morocco. He has headed the Royal Moroccan Football Federation since 2014 and is widely known for his role in Moroccan football, including the national team’s historic run to the 2022 World Cup semifinals and its quarterfinal appearance this year. He is also the minister delegate in charge of the budget.
In the recording, the voice attributed to Talbi Alami appears to criticise Lekjaa without naming him directly and warns against allowing him to obtain the economy and finance portfolio in a future government.
The recording has since prompted public responses from RNI President Mohamed Chouki and Head of Government, Aziz Akhannouch. He defended internal party discussions as part of political debate and said the focus should be on winning the election rather than distributing government posts in advance.
Lekjaa also responded, rejecting the idea of dividing government posts before the election, saying that “dividing up the spoils without having hunted them” was not his concern.
The issue is bigger than a dispute between two politicians.
If senior figures in governing parties are already discussing who should hold key government positions after the election, it raises a question for voters: how much of the next government is being negotiated before they have even cast their ballots?
That does not mean the election outcome is predetermined. But it shows how parties are already positioning themselves for the government that will follow the vote.
The controversy also illustrates the tension at the heart of the governing coalition. RNI, PAM and Istiqlal are partners in government today, but they are competing against one another for candidates, seats and influence.
The RNI, which emerged as the largest party in the 2021 parliamentary election with 102 seats, is seeking to defend its position.
PAM won 87 seats and Istiqlal 81. The three parties formed the governing coalition after that election.
The governing parties can point to economic reforms, investment and the expansion of social protection as evidence of progress. Their opponents will argue that those measures have not done enough to ease pressure on households.
Opposition parties will seek to turn dissatisfaction with the government’s record into votes, while smaller parties will compete for seats that could give them leverage in forming the next coalition.
That makes the election a contest, not only over which party comes first, but over which parties emerge with enough weight to shape the government that follows.
The Justice and Development Party (PJD) is one of the opposition parties to watch.
The PJD governed Morocco for two consecutive terms from 2011 to 2021, but suffered a dramatic defeat in the 2021 election, falling from 125 seats to just 13.
Despite its small parliamentary group, the party has remained a vocal critic of the government.
Its politicians have challenged it over issues such as alleged conflicts of interest, prices, employment and public services.
Under Secretary-General Abdelilah Benkirane, the PJD is seeking to rebuild its support and regain political influence.
The question is whether its visibility as a small but vocal opposition group can translate into votes.
After its collapse in 2021, the PJD faces the difficult task of convincing voters that it deserves another chance to govern.
The cost of living, employment, healthcare and education have long been among voters’ top concerns and remain so ahead of the election.
Inflation has slowed from the sharp increases seen in previous years, but the cost of everyday goods remains higher than before prices began rising rapidly.
In simple terms, prices may be increasing more slowly, but they have not gone back down. For many households, food, transport and other basic expenses, therefore, remain more expensive than they were a few years ago.
The government can point to economic growth, investment and the expansion of social protection as evidence of progress. Its opponents are likely to argue that those gains have not translated into enough relief for ordinary families.
Employment will be another major concern, particularly for young people.
Healthcare and education are also likely to feature prominently as voters assess whether government reforms have improved the public services they rely on.
For voters, the question may be less about whether economic indicators are improving than whether they can actually feel that improvement in their daily lives.
Employment is likely to be one of the biggest tests of the government’s record.
The government’s 2021-2026 programme pledged to create at least one million net jobs over five years. By the end of 2025, net job creation stood at about 95,000, according to an analysis by Medias24, although the government uses a different measure, saying 850,000 non-agricultural jobs were created between 2021 and 2025.
The issue gives opposition parties a powerful campaign line: whether voters should judge the government by its promises or by the employment situation they see around them.
It also raises a wider question: how much trust should voters place in promises made by politicians?
Healthcare and education are likely to be another major test of the government’s record.
The government has undertaken reforms aimed at expanding social protection and improving public services.
But its opponents continue to highlight problems in health, education and access to public services.
For voters, the issue is likely to be whether reforms have improved the services they encounter every day — from schools and hospitals to access to doctors and teachers.
The cost of celebrating Eid al-Adha could also become part of the political debate.
Last year, Moroccans were urged to refrain from their traditional sacrifice of sheep after drought and a sharp decline in livestock numbers pushed up prices and put the ritual beyond the reach of many families.
The issue returned this year, when sheep were again available for the holiday but prices had rocketed, making the traditional sacrifice unaffordable for many. Recent reports described widespread frustration over sheep prices, with some families saying they could not afford to buy.
For many households, the issue goes beyond a religious holiday. Rising meat prices have become part of wider concerns about the cost of living and whether families can still afford foods once within reach.
For opposition parties, Eid al-Adha and meat prices provide another opportunity to question the government’s handling of livestock supplies, food prices and household finances.
For many voters, however, the issue is simpler: whether they can afford to put meat on the table and maintain an important family tradition.
The mass crossing into the Spanish-administered enclave of Ceuta on July 30 has added a sensitive issue to Morocco’s political landscape.
At least 72,000 crossed from Morocco, according to Reuters. The episode resulted in 82 deaths on the Spanish side and 14 confirmed deaths on the Moroccan. Spanish authorities said between 5,000 and 8,000 people remained in Ceuta as of August 28.
The human cost remains a major part of the story. By August 21, authorities had identified only six of those who died, according to data provided by Ceuta’s court.
The mass movement was fuelled in part by misleading information circulating on social media. Migrants told reporters they had seen posts and videos suggesting that Spain had opened its border, helping attract thousands of people towards Ceuta.
The episode has also become a diplomatic issue, with Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez saying on August 31 that there was no evidence Morocco had been involved in organising the mass crossing, while attributing the influx to criminal networks and disinformation.
The episode has therefore become more than a border and migration story. It has raised questions about the risks faced by Moroccans seeking to reach Europe and the circumstances that drove so many to attempt the crossing.
The Justice and Development Party (PJD), now in opposition, has called for a royal commission of inquiry into the mass migration attempt, bringing the episode into the political debate.
Ceuta and Melilla are Spanish-administered cities on the North African coast. Morocco considers both occupied cities and claims sovereignty over them, while Spain considers them part of its territory.
The tragedy therefore brings several issues into the election debate: youth opportunities, employment, migration, social media and Morocco’s relations with Spain.
The question is whether parties will use the incident to debate the conditions and opportunities that shape migration decisions, or whether it will remain primarily a security and diplomatic issue.
Questions about conflicts of interest are another potential campaign issue.
The PJD has repeatedly used allegations involving links between political office and private business interests to attack the government.
For opposition parties, the issue is about transparency and accountability.
For the government, the challenge is to convince voters that public decisions are being made in the public interest.
It feeds into a wider problem: trust in politicians.
For some voters, campaign promises have not translated into meaningful improvements. Others may see politicians moving between parties or governing allies fighting over candidates and positions as evidence that political calculations come first.
Morocco’s Interior Ministry opened registration to the electoral lists during two separate periods ahead of the September 23 election.
The first was part of the annual revision of the electoral lists.
The ministry then opened an exceptional period beginning on May 15, with the final revised electoral lists established on July 10.
The ministry then opened a second, exceptional 30-day period from May 15 to June 13, allowing eligible citizens who were not registered to apply ahead of the election.
The ministry has not published a national total for new registrations made during that second period.
Interior Ministry figures reported before the election showed that citizens aged 18 to 24 accounted for about three percent of registered voters. That figure refers to registered voters, not to all Moroccans in that age group.
Turnout in the 2021 parliamentary election was about 50 percent of registered voters.
The challenge for political parties is therefore not only winning votes from people who are politically active, but also persuading those who have become disengaged to participate.
Social media is already playing a role in the political debate ahead of voting.
Political parties and candidates can reach voters directly through platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, TikTok and YouTube, alongside traditional rallies, television appearances and party structures.
The platforms also allow accusations, leaked recordings and political controversies to spread quickly.
The Talbi Alami recording is one example. The audio circulated online before becoming a wider political controversy and prompting responses from figures in the RNI, PAM and the government.
Social media also played a significant role in the mobilisation around the Ceuta crossings. Al Jazeera reported that accounts on social media called on thousands of people to travel to Ceuta, while migrants told reporters they had seen videos and messages suggesting that the border had been opened.
For Morocco’s election, social media is therefore already an important arena for political messaging, controversy and the spread of information and misinformation.
The September 23 election will determine the composition of Morocco’s next parliament and set the balance of power from which the next government will be formed.
The governing parties will ask voters to judge their record. Opposition parties will argue that the government has fallen short of its promises.
But beneath the competition over seats lies a broader question: can Morocco’s political parties persuade a sceptical electorate that another election will produce meaningful change?
The governing coalition’s internal disputes may dominate headlines in the weeks ahead.
But the more consequential contest will be over jobs, prices, public services, trust, youth frustration and turnout.
The official campaign has not started, but the political contest is already under way.
